Speaking about the groups with the different level of income: the poor are "left", the rich are "right". Note, that the richest are not very "patriotic", actually they closer to the central position than not so rich ones.
Behind the general position of different groups of respondents lies the political-ideological space of various individual positions. That space is stretched mostly along "left"-"right" axis of our model. That is why for all those years in mass consciousness we could observe a stereotypical division of all possible political positions according to the dichotomy of "left" and "right", which in the structure of our political spectrum reflected in the opposition of communists and national-democrats.
The process of democratization of Ukraine is going on with some difficulties but results in pluralism of political views and attitudes, multiple individual and group positions. So now we can even say that some of our citizens gradually decline that stereotypical division of political views.
This tendency was clearly seen during the parliament elections of 1998. In the results of these elections we observed signs of deformed stereotypical political configurations. The essential deviations were on the base of so-called political-ideological provincialism. In some regions on the general background of political attitudes appeared parties created, spearheaded or simply supported by the regional popular leaders. That derivative (contrary to the primary one we speak before) "regionalization" of electoral behavior acted an important social-psychological role. It symbolized a crush of some stereotypes of making an electoral decision (mainly in the frame of traditional dichotomy) and opened people psychologically for the influence of different, not purely ideological factors.
Still we don't have reasons to think that mass consciousness of Ukrainians freed itself from before mentioned linearity. For most of citizens the depicted dichotomy is the only guide in making political decisions. It is clearly seen in the most ideologically engaged regions: "right" Halychyna and "left" Donbas and Crimea.
At 2002 elections tendencies of derivative "regionalization" were comparatively weak. We incline to view that change in mass consciousness as the result of influence one more main factor of its development - "nostalgia for strong power", "wish of a firm hand". In our surveys we continuously see the high level of psychological importance for average citizens of their subjective attitude towards the authorities. We observed a domination of high level expectations from "ideal", desired authorities combined with the ultimate distrust towards the real, actual authorities and in our social-political context interpret it as an inclination to accept the idea of "strong" authorities.
It is quite possible that regional deviations of 1998 were the evidence of the search for a strong leader on the local level. Some political leaders gained great local popularity. Then people got disappointed by their activity and showed it during the next election. But at 2002 election the "strong leader" factor still worked though at the high, all-national level and embodied in the person of V.Yuschenko. People voted for him (it is quite obviously that they voted for Yuschenko but not for his party) not only in the Western regions, but also in the Center, North and South, and it were not only "right"-oriented and "right-centrists", but also those who prefer the central point of political spectrum and step to the left. Still Russian-speaking regions weren't impressed by Yuschenko and went on with the search of political ideal at the left political wing or amongst the authorities.
What we should expect… It would be careless to explain the results of elections only with the actual evaluations and attitudes of citizens. Perhaps, the visions of future play role even more important, because for the sake of better future people actually elect. That is why we can speak about the implicit scripts of the nearest future as a result of interplay of manifold factors, which cause the mass consciousness development. These scripts are the outcome of inter-reaction and co-existence of multitude individual and group anticipations of political reality on different levels, group and individual ones. Naturally, those schemes exist in mass consciousness not like theatrical scripts, rather like intuitive suppositions, visions, forecasts, expectations, which result in bizarre collective anticipation of the nearest and distant future.
Sometimes these scripts could be expressed more or less clearly in a political program or scientific prognosis, but the most influential they are in trivial minds, in everyday activity of individuals, groups and masses. On the one side scripts are the result of social experience, tasted with mass imaginations of desirable and possible future. On the other side, theyinfluence mass consciousness, make it ready to accept certain events and even assist, consciously or not.
Using special social-psychological methodic we have discovered and depicted four main scripts, which dominated in Ukrainian mass consciousness the second half of 90s.
First, the most influential and widespread script (we called it "left protest") was closely connected with the present state of affairs, and even more: this script was a logical development and deterioration of the present day affairs. It's main features are: intensification of public discontent with worsening social-economical situation in Ukraine: exacerbation of social contradictions, risk of social conflicts and mass protest actions: growing disappointment in authorities' competence: disillusion in political means of solving problems, political apathy and electoral passivity.
At these conditions political attitudes would probably shift "left", and in modern Ukraine that would be not just pro-communist positions, but rather national-communist (with acute social-economic demands and comparatively calm attitude to national ideas) and social-democratic (which are adequate to views dominating in modern Ukraine but due to the low level of political-ideological reflection in our citizens still are not dominant).
The second script (we called it "political-centric") reflected tendency to solve social problems with political means. Here was a dominating hope of citizens that political elite would find a peaceful way out of crisis; belief in possibility of common social ground for different political forces; support for ideological pluralism and not for a single dominant ideology; and slightly expressed adherence to market-oriented reforms.
At these conditions "centric" and liberal political forces would dominate in Ukraine.
The third script ("political-radical") also suppose a way out crisis with the help of political means, though not in the form of a political co-operation but rather a political-ideological polarization of society; aggravation of cross-ethnical, cross-confessional and other contradictions; inflammation of great social conflicts, solving them then with the help of violence, up to a civil war.
This variant supposes an activation of ultra-"left" (ultra-communist) and ultra-"right" (radical nationalistic) movements that would aim towards a fascist dictate.
And at last fourth script ("market-democratic") was the most attractive and least possible from mass conscious' point of view. It was aimed to fast implementation of market-oriented reforms, therefore economical growth, therefore high level of social protection for poor people; lessening of social-psychological tensions; affirmation of western democracy values; growing acceptance of idea of Ukrainian national renewal and independency by Ukrainian citizens.
On the way of implementation of this scheme the most popular would have been national-democratic politic forces (if they got rid of their image of being excessively preoccupied with ethno-linguistic problems).
The development of mass consciousness at first years of 21st century shows that we have good chances to avoid an unproductive first script and a dangerous third one. Mass consciousness, like the society itself, hesitates to choose the second or fourth script, and that situation demands a special social-psychological analysis for us to know for sure what will calm our hearts…